This is the September 2005 Middle Kingdom Letter of Acceptances and Returns for Escutcheon’s July 2005 Letter of Intent.

Unless otherwise noted, all clients will accept changes. Comments in braces {} were removed from the Letter of Intent sent to Laurel and the College of Arms, devices, or badges in braces have been returned or pended. Commentary, rulings, etc. by Rouge Scarpe are placed in CAP PRINT. Thanks to Cnute, Thomas Haworth, Mikhail and AElfreda (A&M), Caitroina, Gunnvor, Bronwen, Talan, and John ap Wynne for this month’s commentary.


1) Algar the Iron Hand of Lincoln (M)-- New Name
(Akron, OH)

Client will accept major changes and cares 11th century Saxon.

In an enclosed email (no author is included, just email addresses although the signature on the last page lists Ian Gourdon of Glen Awe):

"Alger means "elf spear" fom Old English ælf "elf" and gar "spear". This Old English name was rarely used after the Norman conquest but was revived in the 19th century. . . ."

Then there is a long summary of Lady Godiva, her brother Thorold the Sheriff of Lincolnshire and her husband Leofric, Earl of Mercia and Lord of Coventry. Godiva and Leofric had a son named 'Algar (Elf-spear)' . . .

". . . The particle of place in Anglo-Saxon turns to be "of" just as in modern English - "atte" is a special Middle English form . . ."of Lincoln" shouldn't be too controversial for SCA heralds, it'll probably pass....."

Then a long summary of the history of Lincoln ". . . Lincoln was a 'colonia', or major town, and around 300AD it became the capitol of the Roman province covering eastern England . . . The present stone castle at Lincoln dates back to 1068. . ."

(Esct. Note: There is no documentation for Iron Hand)

Name Commentary

Talan - > Client will accept major changes and cares 11th century Saxon.

Presumably he means Anglo-Saxon, better called Old English, and not the Continental Saxon language that was becoming Middle Low German in his period.  '11th century' is not very helpful, since documentary practices changed enormously during that century, thanks to the Norman Conquest.  The possibilities include: a pre-Conquest name recorded in Old English (OE); a pre-Conquest name recorded in Latin; a post-Conquest name recorded in OE; a post-Conquest name
recorded in Latin; and perhaps a post-Conquest name recorded in Old French, though Latin is much more common.  The submitted name has some problems in all of these contexts;
I'll indicate what changes would be needed to make it fit the first, to which it seems to be closest.

> In an enclosed email (no author is included, just email addresses although the signature on the last page lists Ian Gourdon of Glen Awe):

> "Alger means "elf spear" fom Old English ælf "elf" and gar "spear". This Old English name was rarely used after the Norman conquest but was revived in the 19th century. . . ."

None of this is quite correct, though some of it has a basis in fact; for the sake of education I'll correct everything, even though some of the errors have little bearing on the submission.

<Algar> isn't really an OE name in the first place; it's a Middle English (ME) name that may derive, depending on where and when it's recorded, from any of three OE names, <Ælfgar>, <Æðelgar>, or <Ealdgar>, Old Norse (ON) <Álfgeirr>, or even West Frankish <Adalgair>.  In general OE <Ælfgar> is the likeliest source, though in the Danelaw ON <Álfgeirr> is also a significant possibility, especially for the variant <Alger>. [Bo Seltén, Anglo-Saxon Heritage in Middle English Personal Names, Volumes 1 & 2 (Lund, Sweden: Royal Society of Letters at Lund, 1979), II:12; John Insley, Scandinavian personal names in Norfolk : a survey based on medieval records and place-names (Uppsala: Royal Gustavus Adolphus Academy; Stockholm : Distributor, Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1994), p. 10ff].  However, I'll concentrate on <Ælfgar>, the main source of ME <Algar>.

(It obviously makes no sense to talk about the meaning of a name that has multiple etymological sources.  As for <Ælfgar>, the main source, while it's true that the first  and second elements are etymologically identical to the OE  words <ælf> 'elf' and <gar> 'spear, javelin', it still  isn't really correct to say that the name means  'elf-spear': an Ælfgar is a person -- specifically, a  person named <Ælfgar> -- not a kind of spear, just as a  Heather is a person, not a plant.  Well before the tenth century the name <Ælfgar> had become simply a name, a  label identifying certain people, albeit one whose  etymology, like that of our name <Heather>, was still  fairly obvious.)

In late OE there was a tendency for <f> between two consonants (as in <Ælfgar>) to become silent [Insley, loc. cit.], but it isn't commonly reflected in writing until after the Conquest.  In this connection it's instructive to search the pre-Conquest charters available on-line at:
Of the charters whose dates are in the 11th century or whose date ranges overlap the 11th century, over 50 contain OE <Ælfgar> or an inflected form of it (e.g., genitive <Ælfgares>), about five contain the Anglian variant <Alfgar> or an inflected form of it, and there are about 6 that contain the Latinized <Ælfgarus>; I found one instance each of <Algar> and the genitive <Ælgares>, these being the only two instances of the name without the <f>.  In Domesday Book, on the other hand, there are very few forms *with* the <f> [Olof von Feilitzen, Olof, The Pre-Conquest Personal Names of Domesday Book (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells, 1937), pp. 144ff, 172f].

In the late 11th and the 12th century there are occasional <f> forms: <Ælfger> ca. 1095 [Reaney & Wilson s.n. <Algar>]; <Elfgari> 1101x07; <Alfgarus> 1153x68; <Alfgari> 1148x53, 1186x88 [Seltén, loc. cit.].  Seltén even has one instance of <Ælfgar> from 1250.  Forms without <f> are much more common in this period in Seltén's data, the most common being <Algar> and its Latinization <Algarus> (and inflected forms thereof).  <Algarus> also occurs four times in the 1189 survey of the household and estates of Glastonbury Abbey and is the only form to appear there [N.E. Stacy (ed.), Surveys of the Estates of Glastonbury Abbey, c. 1135-1201, The British Academy: Records of Social and Economic History, New Series 33 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001)].  Bardsley s.n. <Algar> has <Algar> ca. 1160 and temp. Henry II (i.e., 1154x89) and no other 12th century forms.

The name continued in occasional use through the 13th century: Bardsley (loc. cit.) has two instances from 1273, and Seltén (loc. cit.) even has <Willelmus f. Elgery> 1327 and <Alger'> 1332.  (As an aside, Bardsley's <Eylgar> 1273 almost certainly represents OE <Æðelgar>, not <Ælfgar>.)

In short, <Algar> and its Latinization <Algarus> are fine for the late 11th century, from Domesday Book (1086) to the end of the century, and very probably in any Norman-influenced post-Conquest document.  In a pre-Conquest 11th century context these would be extremely unusual; OE <Ælfgar> and its Latinization <Ælfgarus> are by far the most common forms.  Moreover, these are still possible through the end of the 11th century in OE contexts (which continued to exist on into the 12th century).

> ". . . The particle of place in Anglo-Saxon turns to be "of" just as in modern English

It's a preposition, and the statement is only partly true (even ignoring the fact that OE <of> was pronounced differently from modern English <of>).  OE toponymic bynames (i.e., those formed from place-names) typically use one of three OE prepositions, <æt>, <on>, and <of>; in my experience <of> is very much the *least* common.  In fact, I searched all of the Anglo-Saxon charters on-line at that both contained the word <of> and had an 11th century date and found *no* locative bynames with <of>.

> - "atte" is a special Middle English form . . .

More correctly, <atte> is a ME contraction of <at þe> 'at the'.  It would be irrelevant even if the submitter's period were late enough for it, since it does not normally appear in toponymic bynames at all; rather, it's used in topographical bynames, i.e., locative bynames referring to a feature of the landscape, natural or man-made ('at the bridge', 'at the hill', etc.).

> "of Lincoln" shouldn't be too controversial for SCA heralds, it'll probably pass....."

Combining Ekwall and Watts, both s.n. <Lincoln>, yields the following relevant citations:
* <Lindcylene> 942;
* <Lindcoln> 975-8;
* an inflected form (dative case, used after locative prepositions) <lindcolne>, from a ca.1000 copy of a ca.890 original;
* <Lindcylene> and <Lindcylne>, similarly inflected, from the same source;
* <Lindcylene ceastre>, similarly inflected, or some minor variant thereof, probably from the first half of the 11th century; and
* <Lincolia>, the Latin form used in Domesday Book (for which Reaney & Wilson have <Aluredus de Lincolia> 1086).

For the associated shire Ekwall also has <Lincolnescire> 1016.  The OE dictionary by Bosworth & Toller s.v. <canceler> quotes the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for the year 1093: <Se cyng Willelm betæhte Rodbeard his cancelere ðæt biscoprice on Lincolne> 'the king William transferred the bishopric of Lincoln to Robert his chancellor'.

main page at

(Note that the preposition used here is <on>, even though modern usage requires <of>.)  Finally, the Latin-language charter Sawyer 1030, dated ca.1062, includes the names <Iohol de Lincoln> and <Wigodus de Lincolne>.

On this evidence it appears that <Lincoln>, dative case <Lincolne>, is at least available as a possibility in OE contexts throughout the 11th century.  The only likely OE prepositions are <on> and <æt>, so in OE contexts we might have <on Lincolne> or <æt Lincolne>.  (I'm ignoring other, more conservative OE forms of the place-name; some of them were doubtless still in use, but they're further from the submitted form.)  In Latin contexts we have examples of <de Lincoln> and <de Lincolne> before the Conquest and <de Lincolia> in Domesday Book; it's entirely possible that <de Lincoln(e)> remained in use throughout the 11th century, but I have no evidence for it.

> (Esct. Note: There is no documentation for Iron Hand)

Or for any part of the name, so far as I can see.

We don't have a lot of data on non-locative OE bynames: they're quite rare in the written record.  I was able to dig up a number of them that refer to body-parts, though all but two are from post-Conquest sources.  From Tengvik (284ff):

  Ælfstan Ære  1087x98  'ear'
  Eadmær Anhande  ca.1055  'one-hand'
  Osbern Cattesnese  1087x98  'cat's nose'
  Aluui Ceuresbert  1066-86  'cockchafer's beard'
  Ernui Fot  1066  'foot'
  Godsuc Gupa  11th c.  'buttock'
  Leouuine Holege  1087x98  'hollow-eye'
  Berewoldus Horloc  1066  'grey-lock'
  Ulfuine Huitfot  1087x98  'white-foot'
  Godric Langhand  1087x98  'long-hand'
  Ælfsinus Lippe  958  'lip'
  Ælwinus cognomento Retheresgut  1088  'ox's-gut'
  Edgyue Suanneshals  1066-86  'swan's neck'
  Godwine Wachefet  DB  'weak feet'

From the D version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, annal 1057, quoted in Reaney & Wilson s.n. <Ironside>:  Irensid wæs geclypod for his snell-scipe 'Ironside was called for his boldness'
And although it's about a century too late, I'll mention the delightful <Alviva Yrento> 1209 'iron-toe' [Reaney & Wilson s.n. <Ironfoot>].

On the basis of these citations a late 11th century byname <Irenhande> 'iron-hand' seems entirely plausible.  The definite article is not used in such bynames (and wasn't yet <the> in any case).

To put the pieces together, <Algar>, <Irenhande>, and <on/æt Lincolne> are all either attested or reasonable hypothetical forms for the late 11th century.  I can't offhand recall having seen an 11th century English name with two bynames, even when one of them is locative; I can't rule it out, but it's definitely a stretch.  <Algar Irenhande> and <Algar on/æt Lincolne> are both pretty unproblematic; <Algar Irenhande on/æt Lincolne> goes beyond the evidence that I have on hand at the moment, but it might be possible as a documentary form.

Bronwen - From what source is <Algar> documented? This needs to be stated.

The Onomasticon Anglo-Saxonicum; Searle; s.n. Algar, reads “see Ælfgar” but right under that another Algar entry reads “mistake for Æthelgar abb. Hyde”. There are numerous headers in Searle for Ælfgar, dating from 925 to 1080, but I found no dates for <Algar> there. Where I did find it was in ODECN; Withycombe, 3rd Edit.; P.15; s.n. Alger, which dates the given name as English to 1160 and 1273.

I had misgivings that “the Iron Hand” would have been a period byname, but looking in Middle English Nicknames; Jönsjö; P.115, I find headers for <Irenbard> “Ironbeard” 1316, and <Irenherde> “Iron-hard” 1379, and <Irenpurs> “Iron-purse” 1256. Middle English Nicknames in the Lay Subsidy Rolls for Warwickshire; Hjertstedt; P.121; s.n. Hand states “Early prepositional forms such as Johannes cum manu c1200 Dublin (OES 234) are evidently nicknames, used for persons remarkable for some peculiarity of the hand or skill in its use.”

English Surnames, Reaney & Wilson; P. 249; s.n. Ironside dates Thomas Irnenside to 1297 and John Irenside to 1333. R&W also, and much more usefully, has a header on the same page for Ironfoot, and dates Roger Irenfot to 1251. In the same source we also have s.n. Hand Richard Hand 1288 and Robert Hond 1296.

According to English Place-Names; Eckwall; P.284; s.n. Lincoln, the English place-name<Lincoln> is dated in the Domesday Book as <Lincolia>. “The place was first called Lindon, later Lindon colonia, whence Lincoln. <Lincolnshire> is there dated as <Lincolnescire> to 1016. I see no period dates on the <Lincoln> form.

I therefore submit that while very little of this name has been dated by me as 11th century Saxon, perhaps a form like <Algar Irenhand de Lincolia> might be workable as 13th century English. Perhaps someone else with more sources might be able to date the elements further back, and to Saxon.

No conflicts found.

Gunnvor - The Anglo-Saxon S899 charter from 1001AD has <Ego Algar Orientalium Anglorum
episcopus> (I am Algar, bishop of East Anglia; Latin).  See:

The S82 charter from 716AD has <Eggo Comes Lincoln> (Eggo, Count of Lincoln;

The S1030 charter has a vernacular form from 1062AD, <Iohol de Lincoln>
(Iohol of Lincoln)

I am somewhat dubious about the byname.  The charters do have some occupational bynames and descriptive bynames. Some from charter S1448a ( include
<Ætheric þes langa> (Ætheric the Tall), <Æthelnoð Ætþelferðes sune greatan>
(Æthelnoð, son of Æthelferð the Stout), <Wulnoðe metere> (Wulnoð the Painter), <Sumerlyda preost> (Sumerlíði the Priest), <Ældulfe abbod> (Ældulf the Abbot).

On the other hand, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle Mss. D ( in the entry for 1057 says, <Eadmund cing, Irensid wæs geclypod for his snellscipe> (King Eadmund was called Ironside for his valor).  Eadmund died in 1016.

Checking in:

Bosworth, Joseph and T. Northcote Toller. _An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary_.Oxford: Clarendon. 1898.
p. 598 has <iren> (adj) "iron", and compounds such as <iren-heard> (adj) "iron-hard".
pp. 507-508 has <hand> (noun) "hand".

Looking at <Irensid>, one could certainly postulate a byname of <Irenhand>, "iron-hand", as well.

Where my dubiousness sets in is in combining both a descriptive byname and a locative byname in the same name at the same time.  Old Norse sometimes combines two bynames, but I have no idea of Old English may do the same.  I think it would produce a better name to use one or the other, but not both: <Algar Irenhand> or <Algar de Lincoln> seem the most likely choices.

Thomas - Assuming clear documentation of <Algar> that part of the name should be fine, as should <Lincoln>. I would need to see some documentation to approve <the Iron Hand>. I could see it seems to me to be an attempt at metaphor, which I understand to be uncommon in period names.


2) Avery d'Aragon (M)-- New Name and Device -- Vairy Or and sable, three squirrels gules in bend
(Columbus, OH)

According to the paperwork: "References: "Registres des justices de Choisy-le-Temple et Châtenay, 1448-1478: éditions des registres Z2761 et 902 des Archives nationales/ édité s par le Centre d'étude d'histoire juridique. (Paris: Champion, 2000)." (Esct. Note: "Names from Choisy, France, 1475-1478," by Sara L. Uckelman c. [Jehan d'Aragon] 1478)

(Esct. Note: No documentation was given for Avery)

Name Commentary

Talan - And Dauzat s.n. <Aragon> notes, unsurprisingly, that this was originally a byname for immigrants from Aragon.

<Avery> is a modern English forename with a rather complicated history.  Its immediate source is the identical surname.  That in turn derives from a Middle English patronymic byname <Averay>, <Averey>, <Auveray>, <Auverey>, etc.; these are Middle English spellings of an Anglo-French pronunciation of the name derived from Old English <Ælfræd> (corresponding, of course, to modern <Alfred>) [Reaney &Wilson s.n. <Averay>, though most of the evidence is actually s.n. <Alfred>].

(In case anyone is curious, the development from <Ælfræd>  through forms like <Alu(e)red> to <Alvere> and thence to  <Auverey> and <Averey> are all predictable on the basis of well-known regular sound changes in the history of French,  once you know that in late Old English the <f> in <Ælfræd>  was pronounced [v] [Olof von Feilitzen, Olof, The  Pre-Conquest Personal Names of Domesday Book (Uppsala:  Almqvist & Wiksells, 1937), p. 88].  I see no need to go  through the individual sound changes, citing chapter and  verse, but you can see another example of most of them in action in the development of <Aubrey> from the Continental Germanic feminine name <Alb(e)rada> [Reaney & Wilson s.n.  <Aubray>].)

None of this is of much help getting any form of the name into a French context in France (to go with <d'Aragon>), but Reaney & Wilson s.n. <Alfred> note that between 1292 and 1313 the name appears in Paris, both as a forename and as a byname, in the form <Auvere> (pronounced approximately \ow-v@-RAY\, with \OW\ as in <cow> and \@\ representing the sound of in <about> and <sofa>).  Indeed, an instance of it as a Parisian forename in 1292 can be seen in Colm Dubh's 'An Index to the Given Names in the 1292 Census of Paris' at (though the acute accent on the final <e> there is almost certainly editorial in Colm's source).  I can find no evidence that the name remained in use into the 15th century, but <Auvere d'Aragon> is presumably at least registerable; unfortunately, the change from <Avery> to <Auvere> probably qualifies as a major change.

Bronwen - Nothing found on <Avery>. I found s.n. <Auvray> in Morlet Noms de Famille, but not as a given name. If this client is claiming the mundane name allowance, that needs to be stated and proof supplied. Avery sounds like a surname.

Thomas - <d'Aragon> looks fine. Unfortunalely, I need to see something to back up Avery. It may be perfectly period, but it does not sound right to me. If the client is hoping for a mundane name allowance, that should be stated and some documentation that Avery is his mundane first name should be provided.

Device Commentary

Thomas - The device is problematic. Technically, I think the contrast follows the rules, but in practice I can not see the squirrels very well. Putting a bend or behind them or a roundel or behind each would fix this visually, but might violate the contrast rules. I defer to others' judgment on this one.

Caitriona – Blazon suggestion: Vairy Or and sable, in bend three squirrels gules.

I would suggest the vairy be drawn a bit smaller and the squirrels a bit larger. I lose the squirrels against the background.

Appears to be clear of conflict.

A&M - No conflicts found.  The emblazon would benefit from larger squirrels, and perhaps smaller vair bells, but is probably OK as is.

Bronwen - Regarding the device, while it technically is acceptable I fell there are identifiability issues with the squirrels given their size and placement on the complex field.

Cunte - This is unidentifiable.  The small squirrels disappear in the large vair bells.  The combination of complex outlines and the low contrast of the gules on the sable portions of the field make the identifying details of the charges vanish.


Return for violating RfS VIII.3.

Talan - There is room to make the squirrels a bit bigger, which would improve the execution of the design, as would using a much bolder red, but the design itself is excellent, and the
execution should be entirely adequate for registration.  In particular, the squirrels are readily identifiable as such.


3) {Caitríona inghean ui Dhochartaigh, Serpentslayer} (F)-- New Name

Client will *not* accept major changes and cares for 15th Century Irish.

[Caitríona] -- Index of Names in Irish Annals: Caitriona by Mari Elspeth nic Bryan ( "Early Modern Irish Gaelic (c1200-c1700) form: Caitríona also [Caitríona inghen Aodha Ruaidh] 1493

[Dhochartaigh] : "What is in a name?" "Sir Cahir O'Doherty, was killed at Kilmacrennan in 1608. . . The O'Dochartaigh Clann originated in Inishowen and got their name from Dochartach, son and heir to Maongal . . .)

According to the cover letter submitted: "In regards to my name submission (Caitriona inghean ui Dhochartaigh, Serpentslayer), there are a few things i (sic) want to clarify. First, Dhochartaigh is the Gaelic form of Doherty, which my last name Daugherty is a recognized variation. Second, regarding the addition of serpentslayer, I have noticed several similiar names that were allowed, most notably that of 'James Martel, drakeslayer'. While i (sic) do much prefer it remain at the end, I will allow it to be moved behind my first name if necessary as was common in 15th century Ireland since that is the time and culture of my persona. -- Melissa Daugherty."

Client submitted a copy a page from the O&A: "James Drakeslayer: This name was changed to James Martel, Drakeslayer in Aug. of 1979"

Name Commentary

Talan - > [Caitríona] -- Index of Names in Irish Annals: Caitriona by Mari Elspeth nic Bryan
>([URL deleted])"Early Modern Irish Gaelic (c1200-c1700) form: Caitríona also [Caitríona inghen >Aodha Ruaidh] 1493

And indeed the name itself (as distinct from any particular form) has citations from annals for years throughout the 15th century: 1412, 1417, 1427, 1440, 1470, 1475, 1477, 1490, 1492, 1493, and 1498.
> According to the cover letter submitted: "In regards to my name submission (Caitriona inghean >ui Dhochartaigh, Serpentslayer), there are a few things i (sic) want to clarify. First, Dhochartaigh >is the Gaelic form of Doherty, which my last name Daugherty is a recognized variation.

Not precisely, no.  It would be much more accurate to say that <Doherty> is an English form of the Irish surname <Ó Dochartaigh> (Woulfe s.n. <Ó Dochartaigh>).  The change from <Dochartaigh> to <Dhocharaigh>, which is called lenition, occurs only in certain specific grammatical contexts, but this is one of them -- see, for instance,

so <inghean uí Dhochartaigh> is indeed correct.

> Client submitted a copy a page from the O&A: "James Drakeslayer: This name was changed to >James Martel, Drakeslayer in Aug. of 1979"

A 1979 registration, especially from Heraldicon, is of less than no value as a precedent.  The byname is quite unlike any attested Irish byname that I've seen.  I see no way to justify it even as a modern English translation of a 15th century Irish byname.  Since she doesn't permit it to be dropped, the name will have to be returned.

Bronwen - Caitriona is shown in Irish Names; OC&M ; P.45; s.n. Caiterina as an early modern Irish form, so <inghean> would be appropriate. Irish Names & Surnames; Woulfe; P.497; s.n. Ó Dochartaigh shows the correct genitive form for the masculine clan affiliation byname. Quick & Easy Gaelic Bynames at indicates, however, that <Dochartaigh> would not be lenited, so in my opinion <Caitríona inghean ui Dochartaigh> would be correct, and a decent post 1200 feminine Gaelic name. This requires only a single minor change to the main body of the name, and would be allowable.

However, (and I gather that <Serpentslayer> is supposed to be her descriptive byname rather than that of her father) I believe the byname to be a problem. The previous registration she cited for <James Maretl drakeslayer> was very early -- “James Drakeslayer. This name was changed to James Martel, Drakeslayer in August of 1979. “ Evidence of prior registration (especially that long ago, and especially at Heraldicon) is no help at all when it comes to justifying such a byname today, and while she’s correct that most bynames in Gaelic seem to have been placed after the given name an English byname in that context strikes me as extremely unlikely. I’d be interested to know where she got information indicating that <Serpentslayer> (even translated into Gaelic) might have been used by a Gael as a byname. Gaelic/English combination names were ruled a weirdness Ref. [Ian MacHenrik, 10/99] so <Caitriona inghean ui Dochartaigh, Serpentslayer> would at best contain a weirdness.

John – Serentslayer: While the rest of the name is quite verifiable, I can’t say that an English sobriquet at the end is appropriate. Indeed, I can’t even say it’s accurate even in Gaelic or Irish.


4) Jaret of Coventry -- Device Resubmission – {Per chevron inverted sable and vert, in chief a pheon inverted Or}.
(Name reg'd Oct. '04)
(Device (Per chevron inverted sable and vert, in chief a pheon inverted Or) was pended by RS Jun '04 until client is contacted to see if they want a pheon or a broadarrow. if they truly want a pheon it will be returned for redraw since as drawn that is surely a broadarrow instead of a pheon.

(Esct. Note: No note was included to see if he wanted a pheon or a broadarrow.)

Device Commentary

Talan - This shouldn't be a problem, as the new emblazon unmistakably shows a splendid pheon; we can fairly safely assume that either he drew it, or he approved the drawing.

Cunte - Artemisia, Kingdom of - January of 2003 (via Artemisia): Or, on a pile sable a pheon inverted Or.

Considered as Per chevron inverted sable and Or, a pheon inverted Or:

Single CD for the tincture of half of the field.

Return for conflict.

Bronwen - Closest I found was Kirk of Wendarrow registered in July of 1971:Vert, a pheon inverted Or. One CD per Rfs.X.4.a. for changes to the field, and a second CD per Rfs.X.4.g. for placement on the field, since the placement of the pheon on the new submission is not forced. Appears to be clear.

A&M - Possible conflict with "Artemisia, Kingdom of.  Badge registered in January of 2003: Or, on a pile sable a pheon inverted Or. (for the Artemisian Archery Guild)."  There is 1 CD for the field, but we are unsure if there is another CD for the non-forced move of the pheon to chief.



5) Juan Diego de Belmonte -- New Name

Client will *not* accept major changes and cares for 16th century Spanish

According to the paperwork:

? ? [Juan] : cited 386(371) times in Juliana de Luna (Julia Smith) "Spanish Names from the Late 15th Century," (Esct. Note: url) not provided Men's names sorted by frequency. Diego is cited 146 times in the same document.

[Juan Diego] -- appears in two texts found on One text is members of a scientific expedition in 1570. The other is a public notice from 1436,

[Juan Diego] -- a native Mexican converted to Christianity in 1524 and took the name Juan Diego Cuautlatoatzin. He saw the Virgin Mary in 1531 and was canonized in 2002. See attached from and

[de Belmonte] -- is a locative surname. Belmonte is located in Cuenca, and was modern villa in 1371. [de Belmonte] is found in text from the 1300's, 1500's and 1600's on Also found on a list of dead on Columbus 1492 Voyage to America. (

Photocopies are included.

Name Commentary

Talan - > surname. Belmonte is located in Cuenca, and was modern villa in 1371.

No, it was 'incorporated to Real Corona' in 1371, which I believe means that it was incorporated into the holdings of the royal crown.

> [de Belmonte] is found in text from the 1300's, 1500's and 1600's on > Also found on a list of dead on Columbus 1492 Voyage to America.

The last claim is incorrect: what is found is the entry <Gabriel Baraona, of Belmonte>.  This shows that there was at that time a place, presumably in Spain, called <Belmonte>, but it doesn't directly support a byname <de Belmonte>.


6) {Lost Bridge, Shire of the, Name and Device Resubmission-- Argent, a bend sinister wavy azure, between two laurel wreaths vert}
(Decatur, IL)


? Name "Aonach na Naoi n-Duileach" returned by Laurel Jun '04 "No evidence was provided and none found that a name meaning "Gathering of the Nine Expectations" follows a pattern found in period Scottish placenames. The documentation cited examples of placenames using Aonach from Watson, The Celtic Placenames of Scotland; these examples include an t-Aonach "the fair", Blàr an Aonaich "plain of the fair", and Aonachán probably "little fair". None use an abstract emotional designation such as "of the Nine Expectations." According to Johnston, The Place-names of Scotland, Gaelic placenames are almost always simple descriptives, "the majority of Celtic names give either the simplest possible description of the site named, or describe some prominent feature, or else the colouring or appearance of it as it strikes the eye." This is an excellent maxim to keep in mind when forming Gaelic placenames."

Device (Purpure, nine Soloman’s knots in cross per saltire argent, in fess point, a laurel wreath Or) returned by RS Jan '04 "The documentation for the Solomans knot is unacceptable. It needs to be dated within period using the same using the same documentation criteria as names use. It appears to be docimented (sic) as an artistic motif. Period artistic motifs aren't necessarily acceptable in SCA heraldry per RfS VII.2. The pointed ends in the submission do not match the square ends in the documentation."

? ? [Lost Bridge] : "Scottish Borders Heritage," ( According to the paperwork: "In 1018 a Scottish victory at Carham (the neighbouring village on the south bank) established the river Tweed as the boundary between Scotland and England. In 1188 a diplomatic meeting was held between representatives of the Scottish and English crowns at Birgham. . . Its absence from later history is taken as evidence that the bridge did not survive these tumults. . . Twenty years ago archaeologists exavated remains of a 7th century bridge near Yorkshire village of Brigham. . ."

"The History of Bristol to 1497," ( : "Old Bristol Bridge. Sometimes during the course of the early Middle Ages, the Anglo-Saxons who had settled in the borough built a bridge across the Avon River and the surrounding town. It was from this bridge that the town of Bristol derived its name. 'Brygestowe', as it was called in the medieval times, simply meant 'the place of assembly by the bridge.'

Client will *not* accept major changes and cares for the meaning "Lost Bridge." Photocopies are included.

Name Commentary

Talan - > [Lost Bridge] : "Scottish Borders Heritage,"

> "The History of Bristol to 1497,"

Both of these are almost completely irrelevant; they show that ancestors of the word <bridge> were used in period place-naming, but that's easily established from better sources.  What most needs support is the element <Lost>; unfortunately, I know of no period place-name containing the past participle of 'to lose' (Old English <losian>) and can see no way to justify the name.  'Old bridge' is a similar idea that leads to perfectly reasonable place-names, e.g., 13th century forms like <Oldebrigge> and (in the North) <Aldebrigge>.

I'm afraid that major changes are required, because the desired meaning apparently isn't compatible with attested English place-naming practice.

Thomas - The documentation for <bridge> is probably sufficient. What is needed is documentation that a bridge can be described <lost>. The documentaion shows that a bridge can have been destroyed, but that is not the same as showing that <lost> is a proper description of a bridge.

Device Commentary

Caitriona - While it doesn’t conflict, it is basically the same thing Aurea Ripae with the tinctures changed.  Perhaps someone should let Lost Bridge know... :

  • ? Aurea Ripae, Shire of
  • o The following device associated with this name was registered in September of 1996 (via the Middle):
    Gules, a bend sinister wavy azure, fimbriated, between two laurel wreaths Or.
  • A&M - No conflicts found.  While the tips of the wreaths do turn in a bit at the top, Laurel might consider there to be too much open space for registration.

    Cunte - The lines on the bend sinister are between wavy and indented, blurring the distinction between them.

    The emblazon shows two laurel branches, not a laurel wreath. The branches of a laurel wreath must be conjoined at the base and be circular or nearly so. [Talmere, Shire of, 01/00, R-Meridies]
    Precedents - Elsbeth, under Wreath

    Return for violating RfS VII.7.a


    (7) Signý Torfadóttir (F)-- New Name and Device -- Lozengy argent and vert, in fess two elm leaves gules.

    Client will *not* accept major changes and care more for sound.


    ? ? [Signý ]: pre-13th Century. "Viking Names Found in the Landnámabók," by Sara L. Friedemann, p. 6. ( According to the paperwork: "This article is a compiled list of names from "The Old Norse Name," by Dr. G. Fleck, which had used Landnámabók as a source. The earliest versions of Landnámabók date to the 13th century."

    [Torfi]: According to the paperwork: "same as above, p 4. The genitive form was used to make the patronymic byname [Torfadóttir]. "A Simple Guide to Creating Old Norse Names," by Sara L. Friedmann, ( This article is an overview of Viking names based mostly on "The Old Norse Name," by Dr. G. Fleck.

    Photocopies are included.

    Name Commentary

    Talan - The three women named <Signý> who are mentioned in Landnámabók are all from the late 9th or the 10th century: two are the mothers of settlers from the settlement period (traditionally taken to be roughly 870-930), and the third married the son of a settler from the settlement period. In Iceland there are a couple more examples of the name from the later 10th century, but after that it became rare: it was borne by a woman who died in 1212 and by women mentioned in official documents in 1384, ca.1450, and 1512, but that's it.  It doesn't appear in Norway until the 14th century. [E.H. Lind, Norsk-Isländska Dopnamn ock Fingerade Namn från Medeltiden (Uppsala: 1905-1915), s.n. <Signý>.]

    The masculine name <Torfi> occurs in Iceland from the later 10th century right on through the Middle Ages.  (The only clear Norwegian example is a <Torfue> in 1438.) [Lind, op. cit. s.n. <Torfi>]

    By an amusing coincidence, the Signý who married a settler's son had a brother named <Torfi>, so the two names are definitely contemporary with each other in Iceland! [Einar Arno/rsson, ed., Landnámabók Íslands (Reykjavík: Helgafell, 1948), p. 82.]

    <Torfa> is indeed the genitive case of the masculine name <Torfi>, so the phrase 'Torfi's daughter' is <Torfa dóttir>. Patronymics are more commonly written as two-word phrases in the earliest manuscripts and runic inscriptions; since her name is best supported for a period before even the earliest manuscripts, when patronymics were understood more as descriptive phrases than as parts of a name proper, I'd make the very minor change to <Signý Torfa dóttir>.

    Gunnvor - The name is correctly constructed.

    Checking in: Lind, E.H. _Norsk-Isländska Dopnamn ock Fingerade Namn från Medeltiden_. 
    Uppsala & Leipzig: 1905-1915, sup. Oslo, Uppsala and Kobenhavn: 1931.

    Cols. 883-884 s.n. <Signý> has several early Icelandic women with this name.

    Cols. 1038-1039 s.n. <Torfi> has this masculine name from the 900s, and has patronymics showing the correct form as <Oddny Torfa d.> (Oddný Torfadóttir, 1100s), <Arngerðr Torfa d.> (Arngerðr Torfadóttir, 1229).  Early mss. most often show the patronymic as two words, but the one-word version is the usual normalized form.

    Device Commentary

    Talan - A minor technical point: what's drawn is actually lozengy vert and argent by my standards, since the first full lozenge in dexter chief is vert.  Striking, if not the most authentic-looking coat I've seen.

    Bronwen - Consider Margery of Birdsong Garth registered in September of 1984 (via An Tir): Sable, two leaves of Ladies Mantle in fess, stems crossed, Or.

    Ladies Mantile appears to have rather oval shapes leaves, but these appear in nature in clusters. The question here is whether Margery’s device has single leaves or leaf clusters. If the former, I believe this to be a conflict with only a single CD pre Rfs.X.4.a. for changes to the field. I suspect this might require a visual check.


    (8) Sofia Tyzes (F) -- New Name and Device -- Per chevron vert and argent, two lilies and a turtle statant counterchanged.

    Client will accept major changes and cares for 16th Century Hungarian.

    [Sofia]: Hungarian Feminine Names, by Walraven van Nijmegen, ( (Linked from the Hungarian Names resources page at: Examples for this spelling of the given names are dated 1565 and 1578.

    [Tyzes]: Academy of St. Gabriel report #744, attached. (Esct. Note: According to the report, which wasn't included in the paperwork: "The word "túz" or "fire" gave root to a name which means "fiery" or "passionate." Examples from period include Tuzes, Tyzes, Thyzes, Thy:zes, Thwzes. " No dates given.)

    Name Commentary

    Talan - The individual elements appear to be fine, but their order is incorrect.  From the revised version of Report Nr. 2765 of the Academy of St. Gabriel:

    In both spoken and written Hungarian, the surname or byname precedes the given name.  However, when period Hungarian names were written in a foreign language, both the name order and the spelling of the given name were translated into that language. Thus, <Hajnal Ferenc> "Francis Dawn" (an early riser) would be found in a Latin document as <Franciscus Hajnal>.  Since <Kalara> is a Hungarian form, you should use it in Hungarian name order: <Madarasz Kalara>.
    In this case one can probably get away with claiming that <Sofia Tyzes> is a Latinization, since <Sofia> as well as <Sophia> occurs in Latin, but the lady should be informed that the correct Hungarian order is <Tyzes Sofia>.


    (9) Tigernach mac Eoghain ua Aeda (M)-- New Badge – {Gules, a serpent glissant palewise argent.}
    (Springfield, KY)
    (Name reg'd May '99)

    This is the client's second badge and does *not* wish his first to be released.


    Badge Commentary

    Bronwen - Just a question, but with glissant is not the serpent’s head generally shown from above rather than in profile? Would the head position here not need to be specified?

    Cunte - Patrekr Kórason - July of 2004 (via An Tir): (Fieldless) A snake glissant palewise argent.

    Single CD for fieldless.

    Eikdal, Shire of - July of 2004 (via Caid): Gules, two serpents erect glissant respectant argent maintaining in their mouths a laurel wreath Or

    Single CD for number of primaries.

    Return for multiple conflicts.

    A&M - Conflicts against Patrekr Korason, and the Shire of Eikdal.  I'm not sure who would need to be contacted concerning gaining permission to conflict against the shire, if such an action is desired, as it is no longer active.

    The Minutes of the January 2005 Caid College of Heralds note: "The July 2004 Letter of Intent was read in summary. A few erroneous items were noted. Crescent will investigate these issues. On this letter is a reblazon of the device of the Shire of Eikdal. Nobody at the meeting could recall such a place, and the kingdom has no files for the group. (In later investigation, it was revealed that the defunct shire was in Simi Valley, CA)."


    At your service,

    Phebe Bonadeci

    Rouge Scarpe Herald